Trump’s Gaza Peace Plan: An Elusive Path to Peace or a Setback for Israel and the US?

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Is Trump’s so-called Gaza peace plan a complex challenge for achieving lasting peace, or a potential setback for Israel and the United States? That is a loaded question! Let us work on finding a convincing answer.

On September 29th, President Donald Trump announced his 20-Point “Gaza Peace Plan” in Washington, alongside Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Regardless of its potential outcomes and contradictions, this announcement clearly indicates that Western hegemony is rapidly declining. It is evident that Washington and Tel Aviv are losing ground. Trump’s demand for Hamas to accept his plan within 72 hours is nothing short of hyperbolic. He suggested that if they do not comply, further destruction in Gaza and escalated violence from Israel would follow.

However, the peace plan does not provide any guarantees that Washington or Tel Aviv will accept the Two-State proposal, which would establish a sovereign state of Palestine by creating separate territories for Gaza and the West Bank from what is now considered Israel. There are also no assurances from Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank—governed by Hamas and the Palestinian Authority, respectively—that they will eventually accept Trump’s vague proposal in its entirety. As Hamas has partially accepted the plan on October 3rd, there is a glimmer of hope that the ongoing Gaza War will stop with or without any guarantee of lasting peace between the adversaries.

A brief examination of Trump’s proposal reveals its lack of substance. It seems to be merely an attempt to mislead the world outside Washington into believing that the US is genuinely committed to establishing a Palestinian state by reclaiming land from the occupied territories. It suggests an effort to blame the Palestinian victims in Gaza and the West Bank for their refusal to agree to a peace treaty with Israel.

Furthermore, this proposal marks a stark reversal of Trump’s previous stance, where he suggested forcibly relocating Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt or elsewhere in order to transform Gaza into a “beautiful place,” essentially a tourist resort for the world to enjoy. He classified the day of his public assertion on Gaza as “potentially one of the greatest days ever in civilisation” for a comprehensive end to the war in Gaza, which came across as hyperbolically reassuring. He stated, “We are beyond very close.” However, a brief examination of Trump’s proposal reveals its lack of substance. As Shakespeare would have said, the proposal is “full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.”

The proposal suggests that Hamas would have no role in running the administration in Gaza, which would keep the possibility of a future Palestinian State alive. The most troubling aspect of the Peace Proposal is that if Hamas refuses to accept it, the U.S. would support whatever decision Netanyahu makes to neutralise Hamas’s threat to Israel’s existence. Trump affirms that if Hamas rejects his proposal, then Israel would “finish the job.”

Interestingly, the Palestinian Authorities in the West Bank, under Mahmud Abbas, believe that Trump is sincere and determined to implement the plan. These authorities, having an antagonistic relationship with Hamas, want to ensure the end of the conflict, provide humanitarian assistance to Gaza, and facilitate the release of hostages and prisoners by both sides: Hamas and Israel. In a joint statement, the foreign ministers of the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Egypt, Jordan, Turkey, Indonesia, and Pakistan praised Trump’s leadership, welcomed his proposal, and committed to working together with him to implement it. They believe that, if executed, this proposal could lead to a two-state solution to the Palestinian issue.

According to the Trump proposal, military operations in Gaza must cease, Hamas must surrender its arms, destroy its tunnels, and stop manufacturing any weapons. The proposal seeks the establishment of an International Board of Peace under Tony Blair, a former British Prime Minister who was involved in the unjustifid invasion of Iraq in 2003, based on questionable claims about Weapons of Mass Destruction. Some Western leaders, including the President of the European Union and French President Emmanuel Macron, have also welcomed the Trump proposal as a potential pathway to durable peace in the region.

The White House insists that Hamas’s acceptance of the Trump proposal would lead to an immediate end to the Gaza War. However, Hamas leader Mahmud al-Zahar stated that they had not received any written peace proposal from the Trump Administration. The proposal includes the return of all hostages by both Hamas and Israel, including those convicted in Israel. Furthermore, it suggests that until the Palestinian Authorities (which are hostile to Hamas) take over the administration of Gaza, the proposed Board of Peace under Tony Blair would manage the administration.

Remarkably, the Trump proposal states that no one from Gaza would have to leave the enclave and that Hamas would not have any direct or indirect role in its administration. Additionally, it proposes the creation of an International Stabilisation Force (ISF) composed of Arab and non-Arab countries. While Egypt and Israel would work together with the ISF to maintain peace in Gaza, Israeli troops would gradually withdraw from Gaza, while Israel would refrain from annexing or occupying the territory. The proposal further stipulates that the U.S., Israel, and the Palestinians would engage in dialogues to resolve the crisis in Gaza.

Despite the discomfiture of the Palestinians in Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank at the hands of Israel’s civil and military authorities sine the Zionist occupation of Palestine in May 1948 (the process started in 1919 soon after the end of World War I) in the form of decades of Israel’s horrendous war crimes and genocidal wars against Palestinians in occupied Palestine – and the latest round of systematic genocidal wars against the Palestinians in Gaza for the last two years – President Trump’s half-baked peace plan has brought a flicker of hope about the end of the latest war in Gaza.

Despite the suffering endured by Palestinians in Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank due to the actions of Israel’s civil and military authorities since the Zionist occupation of Palestine began in May 1948 (a process that actually started in 1919, shortly after the end of World War I), the situation remains dire. Over the decades, Palestinians have faced horrific war crimes and genocidal conflicts resulting from Israeli policies. The latest round of systematic violence against Palestinians in Gaza has persisted for the last two years. However, President Trump’s peace plan offers some hope for an end to the ongoing conflict in Gaza. Let us hold onto this hope, as there are some subtle indications in Trump’s plan that might lead to an end to the two-year-long war against the Palestinians in Gaza.

As reported by the Associated Press on Friday, October 3rd, despite Netanyahu’s political maneuvering, Trump has ordered Israel to stop bombing Gaza after Hamas partially accepted his peace plan. It is noteworthy that, unexpectedly, Hamas has agreed to some elements of Trump’s proposal and has committed to releasing Israeli hostages while handing over power to other Palestinian groups that are not affiliated with Hamas. Trump’s mixed signals to Hamas and the international community deserve our attention. On one hand, he states, “If this LAST CHANCE agreement is not reached, all HELL will break out against Hamas.” On the other hand, he affirms, “There will be peace… one way or the other.” Interestingly, disregarding Netanyahu’s insistence on disarming Hamas fighters, Trump believes, “They (Hamas) are ready for a lasting PEACE.”

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Dr. Taj Hashmi is a Research Associate at the York Centre for Asian Research at York University, Toronto, and Retired Professor of Security Studies at the APCSS, Honolulu, Hawaii. He was born in 1948 in Assam, India, and was raised in Bangladesh. He holds a Ph.D. in modern South Asian History from the University of Western Australia, and a Masters and BA (Hons) in Islamic History & Culture from Dhaka University. He did his post-doctoral research at the Centre for International Studies (CIS), Oxford, and Monash University (Australia). Since 1987, he is a Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society (FRAS). He is a reviewer of manuscripts for several publishers, including Oxford, Sage, and Routledge. He has authored scores of academic papers, and more than a couple of hundred popular essays and newspaper articles/op-eds on various aspects of history, politics, society, politics, culture, Islam, terrorism, counter terrorism and security issues in South Asia, Middle East, the Asia-Pacific, and North America. He is a regular commentator on current world affairs on the BBC, Voice of America, and some other media outlets.- His major publications include Global Jihad and America (SAGE, 2014); Women and Islam in Bangladesh (Palgrave-Macmillan 2000); Islam, Muslims, and the Modern State (co-ed) (Palgrave-Macmillan, 1994); Pakistan as a Peasant Utopia (Westview Press, 1992); and Colonial Bengal (in Bengali) (Papyrus, Kolkata 1985). His Global Jihad has been translated into Hindi and Marathi. His Women and Islam was a best-seller in Asian Studies and was awarded the Justice Ibrahim Gold Medal by the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. He is working on his next book, A Historical Sociology of Bangladesh. His immediate past assignment was at Austin Peay State University at Clarksville, Tennessee, where he taught Criminal Justice & Security Studies (2011-2018). Prior to that, he was Professor of Security Studies at the US Department of Defense, College of Security Studies at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) in Honolulu, Hawaii (2007-2011). He started his teaching career in 1972 as a lecturer in History at Chittagong University, and after a year joined Dhaka University (Bangladesh) and taught Islamic History & Culture (1973-1981) before moving to Australia for his Ph.D. Afterwards he taught History (South Asia and Middle East) at the National University of Singapore (1989-1998) before joining Independent University, Bangladesh (IUB) as Dean of Liberal Arts & Sciences (1998-2002). Then he joined the University of British Columbia (UBC) in Vancouver (Canada) as a Visiting Professor in Asian Studies for two years (2003-2005), and worked as an adjunct professor of History for a year at Simon Fraser University in Canada (2005-2006). Tel: (1) 647 447 2609. Email: tjhashmi@gmail.com and hashmit@apsu.edu

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